El tráfico de mujeres no solo es una violencia contra las mujeres, sino, también es una violación contra los derechos humanos. Aunque es sabida la extensión de esta clase de violencia, la respuesta de la gran mayoría de los gobiernos en todo el mundo es negativa o poco eficiente, como es el caso del gobierno nacional y los estatales de México. Muchas organizaciones internacionales entre ellas las Naciones Unidas, han recomendado a México diversos tipos de acciones y legislaciones pero la respuesta del gobierno nacional y estatal ha sido deficiente. Por eso, el objetivo principal de esta investigación es examinar y documentar los instrumentos internacionales, nacionales (México) y estatales (Nuevo León) en lo referente al tráfico de mujeres. En ese sentido, la presente investigación está dividida en tres partes. En la primera, el artículo examina los instrumentos internacionales, en la segunda se describen los instrumentos nacionales adaptados para combatir el tráfico de mujeres en México y en la tercera se analizan las medidas adaptadas por parte del gobierno de Nuevo León para combatir este problema en el estado.
This paper presents the findings of a short case study in Sierra Leone considering violence against women.
An objective of the study is to contribute to an emerging body of research on the merits of using political economy analysis to reflect on the kinds of factors policymakers and practitioners should consider in developing interventions to address particular policy problems.
Against this background, this study focuses principally on understanding the nature of the problem of VAW, and then works up through the different options women may (or may not) have for seeking redress along the justice chains in Sierra Leone.
The submission to the UPR process elaborated by the Women´s Legal and Human Rights Bureau, Inc from the Philippines addresses the issue of women’s access to justice in the country, which highlights technology-related violence against women (VAW) as an emerging form of VAW. The submission also looks at the gaps and challenges in available domestic remedies to survivors of violence and abuse against women online, criticizing that existing laws on VAW do not guarantee the prosecution of technology-related VAW. It further highlights the importance of women’s access to the internet and their representation in policy processes as integral to their right to access to justice.
In Jessica Lenahan (Gonzales) v. United States, the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights found, inter alia, that the United States violated a woman's right to equality and non-discrimination under Article II of the American Declaration of the Rights and Duties of Man.' The Commission found that the existing legal framework in the United States does not meet international human rights standards, particularly with regard to women from minority and low-income groups. It stressed that international law requires states to act with "due diligence" to protect women from domestic violence. Moreover, the Commission recognized that because domestic violence is one of the most pervasive and pernicious forms of gender-based violence, states should adopt special measures to protect at-risk groups, including young women. It urged the United States to enact laws to make the enforcement of protective orders mandatory and "to create effective implementation mechanisms . . . accompanied by adequate resources destined to foster their implementation" and "training programs" for law enforcement and judicial officials.
In April 2012, the current UN Special Rapporteur on violence against women, including its causes and consequences, Ms Rashida Manjoo, accepted an invitation to conduct a study tour to Australia. This was the first visit to Australia ever undertaken by the UN Special Rapporteur on violence against women.
This 120-page report is based on 58 interviews conducted in three prisons and three juvenile detention facilities with women and girls accused of “moral crimes.” Almost all girls in juvenile detention in Afghanistan had been arrested for “moral crimes,” while about half of women in Afghan prisons were arrested on these charges. These “crimes” usually involve flight from unlawful forced marriage or domestic violence. Some women and girls have been convicted of zina, sex outside of marriage, after being raped or forced into prostitution.
The fall of the Taliban government in 2001 promised a new era of women’s rights. Significant improvements have occurred in education, maternal mortality, employment, and the role of women in public life and governance. Yet the imprisonment of women and girls for “moral crimes” is just one sign of the difficult present and worrying future faced by Afghan women and girls as the international community moves to decrease substantially its commitments in Afghanistan.
Domestic violence knows no boundaries, and many of the stories and findings included in this report could describe the experiences of women in virtually any country. Too often, women’s subordinate status allows violence to occur in silence and prevents women from seizing opportunities. For this report, the IRC has chosen to focus on West Africa in order to demonstrate how this global problem becomes acute in post-conflict countries, keeping women from leading their societies to peace and prosperity. The destruction of war creates a particularly dangerous situation for women that the humanitarian community can no longer ignore.
In the link, find the report in the section: 2012, 20th Session HRC; Report: A/HRC/20/16/Add.1
This report contains the findings of the Special Rapporteur on violence against women, its causes and consequences, following her visit to Jordan from 11 to 24 November 2011.
In the report, the Special Rapporteur examines holistically the equality and non-discrimination rights of women, intimate partner violence, gender-motivated killings of women, and violence against migrant and refugee women.
She also discusses the State’s response to prevent such violence, to protect and provide remedies to women who have been subjected to such violence, and to prosecute and punish the perpetrators.
"Implementation of the Elimination of Violence against Women law in Afghanistan, December 2012"
Periodic evaluation of progress on implementation of the Law on Elimination of Violence against Women, reinforced in the June 2012 Tokyo Mutual Accountability Framework, is imperative in view of the widespread occurrence of violence against women in Afghanistan and resistance to women’s rights at various levels of Afghan society. Harmful practices and violence against women in Afghanistan have long prevented women from participating in public life and blocked their voices from being heard in decision-making and political forums. Progress in implementing the EVAW law can contribute to enabling women to play a meaningful and crucial role in the country’s current peace and reconciliation processes. The United Nations has repeatedly stressed the imperative of ensuring equal participation of women and their full involvement in all efforts to achieve durable peace and security, and the need to increase women’s role in decision-making and in conflict prevention and resolution.
This report examines implementation of the Law on Elimination of Violence against Women (EVAW law) by judicial and law enforcement officials for the period October 2011 to September 2012 and identifies the many challenges Afghan women still face in accessing justice. The analysis is based on information gathered from 22 of Afghanistan’s 34 provinces and highlights the reporting, registration and judicial process followed under the EVAW law and the Penal Code by the Afghan National Police (ANP), prosecutor’s offices and primary courts in a representative sample of violence against women incidents. From 16 provinces, UNAMA gathered and analyzed more detailed data from police, prosecutors and courts on cases processed using the EVAW law. The report also highlights the crucial role and work of provincial departments of women’s affairs and commissions on elimination of violence against women. This report updates earlier findings on the law’s implementation in UNAMA’s November 2011 report A Long Way to Go: Implementation of the Elimination of Violence against Women Law in Afghanistan.
Forced marriage is a serious problem in the United States today, with as many as 3,000 known and suspected cases identified in just two years by respondents of Tahirih Justice Center survey. The fact that potentially thousands of young women and girls from immigrant communities may face forced marriages each year in the United States is alarming and demands attention.
Select Full Report in: NISVS 2010 Report on Intimate Partner Violence
This data sheet contains selected, recent, national statistics related to intimate partner violence (IPV) – violence by current and former spouses, dating partners and cohabiting partners. All statistics are rounded to the nearest whole percent. Most of the statistics come from government sources; some are from research studies and summary reports generated by non-profit groups. OPDV also keeps a regularly updated list of relevant national statistical reports.
Please click "Full Report" on the page in order to view the document.
Published in 2011, the NISVS 2010 Summary Report presents data on the national prevalence of IPV, SV, and stalking among women and men in the United States. The 2010 survey is the first year of the survey and provides baseline data that will be used to track IPV, SV, and stalking trends.
2011 Addendum - Mission to the United States of America
The Special Rapporteur on violence against women, its causes and consequences visited the United States of America from 24 January to 7 February 2011. In the present report, she broadly examines the situation of violence against women in the country, including such issues as violence in custodial settings, domestic violence, violence against women in the military and violence against women who face multiple, intersecting forms of discrimination, particularly native American, immigrant and African-American women. The Special Rapporteur highlights the positive legislative and policy initiatives undertaken by the Government to reduce the prevalence of violence against women, including the enactment and subsequent reauthorizations of the Violence against Women Act, and the establishment of dedicated offices on violence against women at the highest level of the Executive. The Violence against Women Act has steadily expanded funding to address domestic violence and, with each reauthorization, has included historically underserved groups.
Despite legal and policy measures designed to protect victims, domestic violence remains a pervasive rights violation in the United States. Legal and policy developments in the criminal justice system over the past few decades have improved the protection scheme for victims of domestic violence, including the availability of civil protection orders, mandatory arrest laws for abusers and mandatory prosecution policies. However, these measures are not uniformly applied and can create additional problems for victims from marginalized populations. Domestic violence is greatly influenced by contextual factors such as poverty, legal status or residence.
The political turmoil that has swept Yemen since early 2011 has overshadowed the plight of child brides such as Reem, as thousands of protesters took to the streets to demand the end of President Ali Abdullah Saleh’s 33-year rule, and security forces responded with excessive and deadly force. But, while the focus of attention both inside and outside of Yemen is understandably the political future of the country, following President Saleh’s agreement in November to cede power before elections in February, child marriages and other discrimination against women and girls in Yemen continue unabated. And while the president’s resignation topped the list of most protestors’ demand, many young demonstrators especially are calling for a wide range of reforms, including measures to guarantee equality between women and men, and an end to child marriage.
To view this report, please click the document "Regional Overview for the Middle East and North Africa."
In 2011 the Middle East and North African Regional Office (MENARO) developed Gender Equality Profiles for all the countries in the MENA Region. The objective of the MENA gender equality profiles is to provide user-friendly, summary information on the status and situation of girls and women for all countries in the Middle East and North Africa Region.
This report documents brutal and long-lasting violence against women and girls by husbands, partners, and family members and the survivors’ struggle to seek protection. Turkey has strong protection laws, setting out requirements for shelters for abused women and protection orders. However, gaps in the law and implementation failures by police, prosecutors, judges, and other officials make the protection system unpredictable at best, and at times downright dangerous.
The word rape is Latin term ratio, which means seize i.e. forcible seizure which constitutes the main ingredient of the offence of rape. Law of rape in India however further widens the definition and means intercourse with a woman without her consent by force, fear or fraud. Several explanations of force fear and fraud has been incorporated to make the law of rape in India more comprehensive and stringent. Law of rape in India is contained in Indian Penal Code; Section 375 defines rape which can be reproduced as under:
2011 was a mixed bag for human rights. There certainly were some positives; some things remained unchanged; and then there were the aggravations. Ratification of a key child rights instrument, extension of Political Parties Act to FATA, introduction of laws to promote women's rights, religious minorities getting representation in the Senate, and a right to statutory bail for detainees in prisons are all steps that ought to be welcomed.
Unfortunately, the inability to introduce implementation mechanisms for international human rights treaties ratified by Pakistan remained unchanged, as did the indifference to or complicity with banning women from voting, and curbing disappearances and extrajudicial killings. The moratorium on executions stayed informal. The prisons remained at breaking point. Nothing was done to revive elected student unions in educational institutions or end the glut of weapons across the country. The public education system remained a scandal, the budgetary allocations to public healthcare fell even further, the government ceded ground to extremists and was utterly unprepared at the framework level to cope with internal displacement and its impact.
According to Human Rights Watch, domestic violence in Bangladesh is "a daily reality for many women" (2011, 3; Human Rights Watch 2010, 4). The 2007 Bangladesh Demographic and Health Survey reported that 53 percent of the ever-married women surveyed had experienced some form of physical and/or sexual violence by their husbands (NIPORT et al. Mar. 2009, 201). In 2010, the Bangladesh Police registered 16,210 cases of "[c]ruelty to women" (Bangladesh n.d.a), a term that, under the Prevention of Cruelty Against Women and Children Act, includes rape, trafficking, dowry-related violence, acid throwing, and other forms of violence, but that does not necessarily include domestic violence since "there is no separate provision to seek justice for domestic violence" (UN 24 Mar. 2010, 28, 89).