The issue of domestic violence has emerged as one of the primary public policy concerns in countries around the world. Countries in the ASEAN region have embarked on important initiatives in order to address the issue of domestic violence. It is in this context that sharing “good practices” and discussing comparative perspectives from initiatives around the world has provided recommendations and a template for developing common regional standards, reiterating that there is no impunity for violence.
From 2010 to 2013, over 10,000 men in six countries across Asia and the Pacific were interviewed using the UN Multi-country Study on Men and Violence household survey on men’s perpetration and experiences of violence, as well as men's other life experiences. The countries included were Bangladesh, Cambodia, China, Indonesia, Sri Lanka and Papua New Guinea. The study was a collaborative effort involving partners from academia, research institutes, civil society, the United Nations family and governments around the globe.
The regional analysis found that overall nearly half of those men interviewed reported using physical and/or sexual violence against a female partner, ranging from 26 percent to 80 percent across the sites. Nearly a quarter of men interviewed reported perpetrating rape against a woman or girl, ranging from 10 percent to 62 percent across the sites.
The report further explores prevalence of different types of violence and the factors that drive men's use of violence. It makes important recommendations on how to use the data to more effectively prevent violence against women in Asia and the Pacific.
The prevalence of sexual assault and its consequent harm to both individual victims and society as a whole has now been widely researched, documented and recognised in Western jurisdictions for generations. In particular, policing of this gendered crime has been the subject of many research endeavours and police organisations have increasingly opened their doors to academics and other researchers in pursuit of evidence-based knowledge that will assist them to enhance their training, investigations and Brief preparations in this respect. Victoria Police has been among the foresighted police organisations in this regard over the past several years.
As part of The Advocates for Human Rights' work in creating the section on Developing Legislation on Violence against Women and Girls for UNIFEM’s new website, the Global Centre to End Violence against Women and Girls (http://endvawnow.org), we recently asked our colleagues from around the world to share information on projects on advocacy, monitoring and implementation of laws on violence against women and girls that have worked well in their countries. In the next several VAW Monitors, The Advocates will highlight some of the responses we received. We thank all who sent us examples of their work. The scope of the work that dedicated activists accomplish each year to end violence against women is truly inspiring!
A new report from UNICEF analyses prevalence and trends in female genital mutilation/cutting in 29 countries. Drawing on data from more than 70 nationally representative surveys over a 20-year period, the report finds that the practice has declined in a number of countries. Other important changes are under way.
The Global Gender Gap Index seeks to measure one important aspect of gender equality: the relative gaps between women and men, across a large set of countries and across the four key areas of health, education, economy and politics.
The study, the first of its kind, reviews existing quantitative and qualitative data on the prevalence and incidence of the types of violence which have already been documented in relation to these groups in Africa, Asia and Latin America. Three countries were selected, one per region, to illustrate the findings. For Latin America, Guatemala was selected for the study to benefit from its widely documented experience as a post-conflict country and for its on-going legislative and institutional reforms aimed at addressing issues such as femicide and sexual violence among indigenous women and girls. For Africa, Kenya was chosen, given available evidence on the prevalence of female genital mutilation/cutting among indigenous communities and promising legislative developments in this field. Finally, in the Asia-Pacific region, the Philippines was selected because of the involvement of girls and adolescents in armed conflict in the predominantly indigenous area of Mindanao and accompanying initiatives to address this situation.
This Oxfam policy paper outlines a proposal for a comprehensive international action plan that addresses this issue politically, with time-bound targets and explicit accountability mechanisms – a roadmap to fast-track the implementation of existing agreements.
To view this publication, click the first link, titled "A Closer Look At Forced And Early Marriage In African Immigrant Communities In New York City."
The purpose of this report is to inform emerging policies and practices on early and forced marriage by highlighting the lived experiences of African immigrant and refugee girls and young women in New York City. Sauti Yetu supports policies and practices that are informed by the diversity of experiences in which early and forced marriage occurs across a variety of immigrant communities that protect the health, well-being, and futures of immigrant young women.
This article presents the findings of a study on the Maria da Penha law, the first Brazilian law providing comprehensive measures to inhibit domestic violence against women. The objective of the study is to identify the main positions regarding the constitutionality of the Maria da Penha law (Law 11340/2006) in the Brazilian judicial system. By examining the arguments used in Courts of Justice, the authors show how the establishment of the law is not limited to the legislative act, and the Judiciary can be the stage for disputes.
This report, produced by the Pan American Health Organization, in collaboration with the U.S. Centers for Disease Control, highlights that intimate partner and sexual violence against women is widespread in all Latin American and the Caribbean countries where survey data are available.
The 156 page report presents a comparative analysis of data from 13 nationally representative surveys from the region. The 122 tables and graphs present illustrate what is known about the prevalence, risk factors, consequences, and attitudes towards violence against women in these countries—including violence by intimate partners and sexual violence by any perpetrator.
This is the first time that nationally-representative data have been analyzed and presented in a single comparative format that allows readers a snapshot of what is known about violence against women across many different countries in the Region.
The report aims to raise awareness of violence against women within the LAC Region and around the world as a public health problem and a violation of human rights. By making it easier for readers to access comparable data on the prevalence, risk factors, consequences, and attitudes about violence against women, the authors hope to motivate decision-makers to invest more resources in evidence-based prevention and response strategies.
This paper examines the ECWR’s multi-faceted campaign to combat sexual harassment from 2005 to 2008. A timeline of the organization’s major events during this period is presented in Table 1. In examining the campaign mobilization, its framing of the issue, and its tactical repertoire, theoretical insight comes primarily from the literature on high-risk social movements (specifically those in authoritarian environments) and movements with cultural targets. We also draw from research on women’s organization in non-Western contexts and the role of globalization in creating awareness of women’s status in different societies.
Este informe contiene estadísticas oficiales sobre el número de homicidios de mujeres en el estado de Chihuahua en los últimos 20 años, y casos paradigmáticos de violencia de género. El documento fue elaborado por Justicia para Nuestras Hijas, el Centro de Derechos Humanos de las Mujeres (CEDEHM) y Mukira, y presentado en el verano de 2012 ante el Comité para la Eliminación de Todas las Formas de Discriminación (CEDAW) de la ONU.
This 123-page report documents the many forms of abuse and exploitation suffered by migrant workers in Bahrain and details the government’s efforts to provide redress and strengthen worker protections. Bahraini authorities need to implement labor safeguards and redress mechanisms already in place and prosecute abusive employers, Human Rights Watch said. The government should extend the 2012 private sector labor law to domestic workers, who are excluded from key protections.
This report follows up on our previous work by assessing what progress has been made in eliminating child domestic labor in Morocco since 2005, and what challenges remain. Although no nationwide surveys similar to the 2001 studies are currently available, our 2012 research—including interviews with 20 former child domestic workers in Casablanca and rural sending areas, as well as interviews with nongovernmental organizations, government officials, and other stakeholders—suggests that the number of children working as domestic workers has dropped since 2005, and that fewer girls are working at very young ages. Public education campaigns by the government, NGOs, and United Nations (UN) agencies, together with increased media attention, have raised public awareness regarding child domestic labor and the risks that girls face. “When I first went to Morocco 10 years ago, no one wanted to talk about the issue,” an International Labour Organization (ILO) official said. “Now, child domestic labor is no longer a taboo subject.” Government efforts to increase school enrollment have shown notable success and helped reduce the number of children engaged in child labor.
When President Mohammed Morsi stood before the United Nations this year, he was asked about the status of women in his country and confronted with international concern regarding their status and the challenges they face. He responded to these concerns, saying that “Egyptian women have the same rights as men. There even are some men who ask to be guaranteed the same rights as women!”
Of course the President was joking. However, recent data shows the severity of the situation for women in Egypt and reveals Egypt to be first in the world as far as the deterioration of women’s rights. Those in attendance were not receptive to Morsi’s joke, finding this humor an inappropriate response to a very serious issue. The delegation hoped that President Morsi could present a plan outlining the methods and procedures intended to advance the position of women in Egypt as the first elected president after a revolution that demanded justice and equality.
The Egyptian Center for Women’s Rights compiled this year’s status report on the status of Egyptian women but faced a number of challenges during the research process. The most notable of these challenges was the scarcity of information and statistics portraying the situation of women. Most writings expressed admiration for Egyptian women and their presence in society and astonishment at their participation in public work, from which they were absent for decades.
As for the approved research institutions, they are, like Egypt as a whole, facing many problems that made the intellectual production and monitoring so modest compared with the previous years. Therefore, there are neither statistics nor sufficient analytical writings available to help us. The center, like many human rights and women’s organizations in Egypt, was also under intense pressure from the Ministry of Social Affairs. The approval of many of the center’s programs was delayed by disagreements and attempts to limit the NGO’s activities or paralyze them. This situation made the report dependent upon a limited number of researchers who exerted tremendous efforts in research and documentation. The center hopes to introduce a useful report on Egyptian Women in 2012 despite these challenges.
The Committee expresses its appreciation to the State party for its combined sixth and seventh periodic report, which was well structured and, in general, followed the Committee’s guidelines for the preparation of reports, although it lacked references to the Committee’s general recommendations and to some specific sex disaggregated data. The Committee expresses its appreciation to the State party for its oral presentation, the written replies to the list of issues and questions raised by the pre-session working group, and the further clarifications to the questions posed orally by the Committee.
This report contains the findings of the Special Rapporteur on violence against women, its causes and consequences, following her visit to Italy from 15 to 26 January 2012. It examines the situation of violence against women in the country taking into account its causes and consequences. It also discusses the State's response to prevent such violence, protect and provide remedies to women who have been subjected to such violence, and to prosecute and punish the perpetrators.
El tráfico de mujeres no solo es una violencia contra las mujeres, sino, también es una violación contra los derechos humanos. Aunque es sabida la extensión de esta clase de violencia, la respuesta de la gran mayoría de los gobiernos en todo el mundo es negativa o poco eficiente, como es el caso del gobierno nacional y los estatales de México. Muchas organizaciones internacionales entre ellas las Naciones Unidas, han recomendado a México diversos tipos de acciones y legislaciones pero la respuesta del gobierno nacional y estatal ha sido deficiente. Por eso, el objetivo principal de esta investigación es examinar y documentar los instrumentos internacionales, nacionales (México) y estatales (Nuevo León) en lo referente al tráfico de mujeres. En ese sentido, la presente investigación está dividida en tres partes. En la primera, el artículo examina los instrumentos internacionales, en la segunda se describen los instrumentos nacionales adaptados para combatir el tráfico de mujeres en México y en la tercera se analizan las medidas adaptadas por parte del gobierno de Nuevo León para combatir este problema en el estado.