Publications by Year: 2003

2003
Goodkind JR, Gillum TL, Bybee DI, Sullivan CM. The Impact of Family and Friends’ Reactions on the Well-Being of Women With Abusive Partners. Violence Against Women [Internet]. 2003;9 (3) :347-373. Publisher's VersionAbstract

http://vaw.sagepub.com/content/9/3/347

*The full article is available through this link. This article may be available free of charge to those with university credentials.

This study examined the degree to which battered women talked with family and friends about abuse they were experiencing and how family and friends responded. Participants were 137 women who had recently experienced domestic violence and were exiting a shelter. Most women confided in family and friends about the abuse. Family and friends’ reactions depended on contextual factors, including the woman’s relationship with her assailant, number of separations, number of children, and whether family and friends were threatened. Family and friends’ negative reactions and offers of tangible support were significantly related to women’s well-being, although positive emotional support was not.

Kounte K. Protocol to the African Charter on Human and People's Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa (Simplified). Peace Women; 2003. Publisher's VersionAbstract

http://www.peacewomen.org/node/89904

The Protocol to the African Charter on Human and People's Rights (ACHPR) on the Rights of Women in Africa was adopted in Maputo in July 2003, eight years after the commencement of the drafting process in Lomé, Togo in March 1995. This event marked a major achievement. However, before entering into force, the Protocol required ratification in fifteen member countries (Article 29). On 26 October 2005, Togo became the fifteenth country to ratify and deposit the Protocol before the Commission of the African Union. The Protocol entered into force a month later on 25 November 2005.

While celebrating this major achievement, the African women's movement remains vigilant in the pursuit of our next objective: the universal ratification of the instrument and its effective implementation. Only then will the status of African women significantly improve.

In pursuit of this objective, the Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom WiLDAF) sub-regional office for West Africa produced this simplified version of the Protocol, which can be used to educate and raise awareness of women's rights. 

Protocol to the African Charter on Human and People's Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa (Maputo Protocol Text). African Union; 2003. Publisher's VersionAbstract

http://www.achpr.org/instruments/women-protocol/

The Maputo Protocol was originally adopted by the “Assembly of the African Union” in Maputo, Mozambique on July 11, 2003. The official document is titled “Protocol to the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa.”

The Maputo Protocol is a treaty instrument that is binding on all countries that ratify it. It went into effect in November 2005, after the minimum 15 of the 53 African Union member countries ratified it. As of June 2007, according to the African Union, 43 nations had signed it and 21 had formally ratified it: (Benin, Burkina Faso, Cape Verde, Comoros, Djibouti, Gambia, Libya, Lesotho, Malawi, Mali, Mozambique, Mauritania, Namibia, Nigeria, Rwanda, South Africa, Senegal, Seychelles, Tanzania, Togo and Zambia). 

Elimination of domestic violence against women (A/RES/58/147, of 22 December 2003). United Nations General Assembly; 2003. Publisher's VersionAbstract

http://www.un.org/womenwatch/daw/vaw/v-work-ga.htm

Report located under "Domestic Violence"

Resolution adopted by the UN General Assembly for the elimination on violence against women. 

Truong T-D. Gender, Exploitative Migration, and the Sex Industry: A European Perspective. Asian Institute of Technology; 2003. Publisher's VersionAbstract

http://gtd.sagepub.com/content/7/1/31.short

*The full article is available through this link. This article may be available free of charge to those with university credentials.

This article weaves together three dimensions of sex trafficking, notably commercial sex as violence against women, as a livelihood option, and as part of the social formation of an inter-state system of transaction of sex as a commodity. Based on data from Europe, the article shows how analysis of violence against women in commercial sex must be taken beyond the workplace and located in social processes that precede it — economic policy of transition and intra-state violence that undermine women’s human insecurity in their daily lives. Diverse forms of violence at the workplace are outcomes of the treatment of women as a commodity on the labor market through unethical self-regulating recruitment systems, as well as an ineffective regulation of migration and commercial sex. Responses to this problem at EU level could benefit from a human security framework sensitive to existing sex/gender systems and their dynamics.

State violence in the Philippines. Geneva: World Organisation Against Torture; 2003. Publisher's VersionAbstract

http://www.omct.org/rights-of-the-child/reports-and-publications/philipp...

Writing alternative reports is one of the main activities of the OMCT and a vital source of information for the members of the Human Rights Committee. With these reports, it is possible to see the situation as objectively as possible and take a critical look at government action to eradicate torture.

Under the aegis of the European Union and the Swiss Confederation, the “Special Procedures” program presented this report on state violence and torture in the Philippines at the 79th session of the Human rights Committee, which took place in Geneva from 20th October to 7th November 2003 and during which the Government’s report of the Philippines was examined.

The study is divided into three parts. Part I provides a general overview of torture and inhuman or degrading treatments (in prisons in particular) committed by state officials. Parts II and III deal with torture and inhuman or degrading treatments of women and children respectively. This rather novel approach sheds light on the situation of particularly vulnerable groups of people. The Human Rights Committee’s Concluding Observations and Recommendations adopted following examination of the Filipino Government’s Report are included in the Appendices.

Connell T. Trafficking of Women and Children in Indonesia. Solidarity Center; 2003. Publisher's VersionAbstract

http://www.solidaritycenter.org/publication/trafficking-of-women-and-chi...

“Trafficking of Women and Children in Indonesia” examines the many forms of human labor trafficking, their causes and the demographics fueling the rise of women and children in forced and exploitative labor. 

CEDAW – Guidelines on Reporting from States. UN Women [Internet]. 2003. Publisher's VersionAbstract

http://www.un.org/womenwatch/daw/cedaw/reporting.htm

This document (HRI/GEN/2/Rev.1/Add.2 ) contains the guidelines issued by the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women for all reports submitted after 31 December 2002. These guidelines replace all earlier reporting guidelines issued by the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women, including those contained in HRI/GEN/2/Rev.1.

Merry SE. Constructing a Global Law - Violence against Women and the Human Rights System. Law & Social Inquiry [Internet]. 2003;28 (4) :941-977. Publisher's VersionAbstract

http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747-4469.2003.tb00828.x/ab...

*The full article is available through this link. This article may be available free of charge to those with university credentials.

This ethnographic analysis of one of the core human rights conventions suggests that despite the lack of enforceability of this convention and its operation within the framework of state sovereignty, it is similar to state law. The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, or CEDAW, the major UN convention on the status of women, articulates a vision of women's equal protection from discrimination and addresses gender-based violence as a form of discrimination. It had been ratified by 171 nation states as of mid-2003. Its implementation relies on a complex process of periodic reporting to a global body meeting in New York and a symbiotic if sometimes contentious relationship between government representatives and international and domestic NGOs. Like state law, it serves to articulate and name problems and delineate solutions. It provides a resource for activists endeavoring to address problems of women's status and turns the international gaze on resisting nations. Its regulatory strength depends on the cultural legitimacy of the international process of consensus building and related social movements to define social justice in these terms. Thus, like state law, its impact depends on its cultural legitimacy and its embodiment in local cultures and legal consciousness. This examination of CEDAW as quasi law extends our understanding of law as a plural and a symbolic system rooted in a particular historical moment of globalization.

 

"We'll kill you if you cry" - Sexual Violence in the Sierra Leone Conflict. Washington, DC: Human Rights Watch; 2003. Publisher's VersionAbstract

https://www.hrw.org/report/2003/01/16/well-kill-you-if-you-cry/sexual-vi...

Throughout the armed conflict in Sierra Leone from 1991 to 2001, thousands of women and girls of all ages, ethnic groups, and socioeconomic classes were subjected to widespread and systematic sexual violence, including individual and gang rape, and rape with objects such as weapons, firewood, umbrellas, and pestles. Rape was perpetrated by both sides, but mostly by the rebel forces. These crimes of sexual violence were generally characterized by extraordinary brutality and frequently preceded or followed by other egregious human rights abuses against the victim, her family, and her community. Although the rebels raped indiscriminately irrespective of age, they targeted young women and girls whom they thought were virgins. Many of these younger victims did not survive these crimes of sexual violence. Adult women were also raped so violently that they sometimes bled to death or suffered from tearing in the genital area, causing long-term incontinence and severe infections. Many victims who were pregnant at the time of rape miscarried as a result of the sexual violence they were subjected to, and numerous women had their babies torn out of their uterus as rebels placed bets on the sex of the unborn child.

Not a Minute More: Ending Violence Against Women. UNIFEM; 2003. Publisher's VersionAbstract

https://www.un.org/ruleoflaw/blog/document/not-a-minute-more-ending-viol...

Our goal in this report is to highlight achievements and indicate what must be done to build on these achievements. The report provides examples of good practices as well as of efforts that did not meet the goals set out for them — and explores why not. It looks at the challenges ahead, and asks what the most fruitful next steps might be. The work of the last decades indicates several directions for the future, but one of the most critical areas is the need for collaboration and partnerships. No one government or international agency or civil society organization can hope to have an impact alone. Pooling resources, sharing strengths and knowledge and listening to local leaders will allow end-violence efforts to move to the next level. We hope that that the lessons gathered here will serve as a tool, a prod and an inspiration to those entrusted with building the rule of law and honouring human rights as the basis for human security everywhere. 

Thakur R. The United Nations in Global Governance: Rebalancing Organized Multilateralism for Current and Future Challenges. The United Nations Non-Governmental Liaison Service (NGLS); 2003. Publisher's VersionAbstract
From 4-6 June 2003, the United Nations Non-Governmental Liaison Service (NGLS) held a consultation with civil society representatives on the theme: “The Crisis in Global Governance: Challenges for the United Nations and Global Civil Society”. Nearly 60 NGO/CSO representatives from more than 20 countries attended the meeting, as well as a number of representatives from the UN system (see list of participants in Annex III). The meeting was structured to maximize inter-active discussions based on participants’ wide range of experiences and perspectives on the state of global governance, and challenges they see ahead for the United Nations and global civil society. The consultation brought together a mix of NGOs/CSOs, many with UN consultative status but some without, ensuring a balance between organizations that have permanent representation at the UN and others that participate in the work of  the UN only occasionally to pursue specific issues and objectives, or that are primarily working with grassroots social movements.  NGLS organised the meeting in the context of the Secretary General’s High Level Panel to review UN-Civil Society relations (see below) and as a counterpart to a consultation it organised in March 2003 among the NGO liaison officers/focal points of the UN and the international system.